Blair Inc: The Man Behind the Mask
Beckett, Hencke and Kochan speculate that he has not accepted a seat in the House of Lords because that would open his income up to greater scrutiny. Practically no one who has worked with him has been prepared to go on the record. The book collages a substantial volume of information, using it as the basis for a compelling indictment. There is no suggestion that Blair has done anything illegal. However, he has succeeded in making himself seriously rich by engaging in a range of ethically dubious pursuits.
Meanwhile, concrete achievements are few and far between. He has had a variety of roles.
Blair Inc: The Man Behind the Mask - Francis Beckett, David Hencke, Nick Kochan - Google книги
Yet, as the authors rightly point out, this was bound to be a thankless task in the absence of a meaningful peace process; they also suggest that he has been indolent and insufficiently willing to challenge Israeli power. This second set of activities — his business ones — involve providing consultancy to governments, including those where his Quartet position may have helped him build contacts, such as with the emir of Kuwait.
The structures of his various organisations are opaque, and how much time Blair spends on philanthropy and how much on paid work is unclear. What is certain, though, is that he is willing to work for some murky clients. The most notorious of these is Nursultan Nazarbayev, who has been president of Kazakhstan since , ruthlessly maintaining his grip on power.
Blair Inc, the Man behind the Mask
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Showing Rating details. More filters. Sort order. Mar 23, Richard Thomas rated it it was amazing Shelves: uk-politics. This is a clear expose of the career of Tony Blair and Cherie after leaving office. It is one sided because no assistance whatsoever was given by anyone working for Mr Blair doubtless because of the confidentiality agreements all must sign. His opaque secretive business and charitable dealings are laid bare - to the point of his organisations' collective reluctance to reveal addresses and telephone numbers let alone turnover, profit and in the case of his Faith Foundation, donors and the amoun This is a clear expose of the career of Tony Blair and Cherie after leaving office.
His opaque secretive business and charitable dealings are laid bare - to the point of his organisations' collective reluctance to reveal addresses and telephone numbers let alone turnover, profit and in the case of his Faith Foundation, donors and the amounts they give. It s not an edifying picture as Mr and Mrs Blair seem to have overlooked the basic principle that in the absence of openness and transparency people will tend to conclude the worst and particularly when some of Mr Blair's clients are described, such a conclusion seems inescapable.
At no stage did anyone from Mr Blair downwards offer comment or explanation beyond we're not saying anything; this secretiveness is all of a piece with the man who described passing the Freedom of Information Act as one of his worst mistakes in government. No Gorbachev glasnost there. For someone who once described himself as a pretty straight guy the old couplet - 'The more he talked of his honour, the faster we counted the spoons' - comes to mind. Indeed the British people seem to have decided that he should not be taken at his own valuation. This book had the potential to be a 5 star book.
It was informative in parts, interesting, well written, and tried to do a job at lifting a veil of secrecy around former Prime Minister Blair. It lets itself down in a few key areas. Firstly it was unabashedly biased. One knew this going in, so would have only been a half a star deduction, however there is little to no attempt to present an alternative view.
This makes it much more of a diatribe than a constructive look at what could be s 2.
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This makes it much more of a diatribe than a constructive look at what could be seen as problematic conduct on the part of Blair. Secondly, there is much of this book that is purely opinion. Too many points begin with "We have no evidence of this, but it would be safe to assume Why would it be safe to assume? Finally, there is way too much repetition in the book. We are told at least six times that Haim Saban a big funder of Blair's projects has said "I'm a one-issue guy, and my issue is Israel.
We only need to hear it once, or maybe twice. This is just one example of a story being told to illustrate one point, and then the same story being told later on in the book to illustrate another point. It's majorly problematic. Jan 12, James Cridland rated it it was ok. Francis Beckett doesn't like Tony Blair, and spends quite a bit of time telling us so in this book. He's especially keen at trying to paint Blair as a murky figure, bathed in secrecy, because Blair's office wouldn't tell him some of the answers to his questions - probably because Beckett is intent on making Blair look like a bad man.
Beckett clearly doesn't share my currentl Francis Beckett doesn't like Tony Blair, and spends quite a bit of time telling us so in this book. Beckett clearly doesn't share my currently unfashionable view that Blair was the best Prime Minister the UK's had in my lifetime, and that's fine, but it became an exercise in desperation at times, and I got a bit bored with it. Jan 11, Mark rated it it was amazing.
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All you need to know to grow a burning hatred for Blair. Apr 02, Breakingviews rated it liked it. By Quentin Webb Politics has a problem in the era of the global billionaire. Blair has kept busy since stepping down as UK prime minister in The Financial Times reported recently he has recognised this role is untenable, and is preparing to step back. A personal fortune they estimate at 60 million pounds, plus a property family portfolio, is unseemly, as it was largely built thanks to the contacts and gravitas acquired in public service.
Intense secrecy — opaque corporate structures, secret donors, keeping the press at bay — is a final insult. UK partnership rules and the fact he is no longer in parliament limit his disclosure requirements. Much of this rings true. The setup cries out for careful forensic analysis. This book offers much less. It is hyperbolic, vindictive and marred by errors, inconsistencies and poor editing. A few examples: the book contradicts itself on fees paid by JPMorgan and Kazakhstan, and on who hired former chief of staff Jonathan Powell. A telling quotation from donor Haim Saban appears four times.
More broadly, direct sources are limited and some lack authority.
Verbiage, from LinkedIn profiles to property ads, jumps unquestioned from internet to page. The authors get worked up about tiny things, but have little interest in the actual consultancy work, or in exploring the idea that engaging troublesome characters, as Blair did in Northern Ireland, could ever be worthwhile. For all that, though, this is a vital topic, and Blair has not made this an easy story to tell. Any ex-politician without a fortune of his or her own will feel impoverished in the familiar halls of Davos.
Typically, elected leaders leave office with small nest eggs, by those standards, and a few decades left to earn serious money. Since the opportunity and the desire are often there, there will almost certainly be more Politicians Incorporated.
Democracy will suffer if public office becomes little more than an audition for a second truly lucrative career. Coming from Pakistan I have posses a healthy baggage of prejudice against the Establishment and I can safely say it served me well in coping with the Blair version of nonsensical propaganda dished out to the gullible British Public who were desperate to believe in their chosen leader. And I guess that is one area which wasn't covered in this book.
If a con artist is able to make it to the top job using his charm and p I have lived in Britain under almost all of the years of Tony Blair's PM ship. If a con artist is able to make it to the top job using his charm and personality how do you get rid of him before he manages to completely tarnish the image and standing of a country? From the outside I always use to value the British for their ability to judge based on the content rather than the ability to argue and persuade but this choice of standing behind Tony has managed to alter my view.
British public is as much a victim of propaganda as the Pakistani public, just the language is different. It is clear that Tony Blair even out of the top office is still damaging the British image abroad but it is frustrating that nothing can be done to stop him. The Labour party wont go against him as he was one of them, and the Conservatives wont touch him as he is doing a fine job by defaming Labour Party, so it seems Tony will continue to prove a thorn in the side. But I guess British people need a good moan as well so there still might be a place for him?
Tony Blair the winner, no wonder totalitarian regimes and Arab royals are so fascinated by his personality. Nov 30, Paul rated it liked it Shelves: non-fiction. In some respects therefore this book is unsuccessful due to the secrecy of his companies and the confidentiality clauses his employees are sworn to. It is impossible to know, for example, when he is meeting people for his "African Governance Initiative" or as the Quartet's Middle East peace envoy whether he is representing charitable interests, or his own interests or a bank or oil company's interests.
The implication is that he uses access for one cause to help his other concerns. The way the same group of millionaires and banks pop up alongside him in different roles is nauseating. Also his wife's involvement with private health companies, his son's company working with "welfare to work" schemes, etc are flagged up here and just stinks. The only conclusion you can draw from reading this is that the only interests he truly cares about are the interests of Tony Blair.